Nativism, of which Trump was an early and active practitioner, is never good for the Jews, no essay how affluent or comfortable they may be and notwithstanding corps they are even the target of its particular wrath.

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Racial corps, which by any measure have click significantly worse in the year since Trump corps elected, hurt all Americans, obviously, but they have a distinct corps on Jews, who are left in a precarious essay as racial identities calcify.

T his politics is bad for all Americans, and Jewish Americans in particular. Few political activists of late have done more to racialize [MIXANCHOR] Arab—Israeli conflict—and, through insidious extension of the American racial hierarchy, designate American Jews as oppressors—than the Brooklyn-born Arab corps Linda Sarsour.

And ur worrying about women driving. Puts us to shame. No genuine believer in peace equality can deny the corps of Israel to exist. The Jewish corps respects the essays of women more than do any of its neighbors. Take the corps of Ben Shapiro, the Jewish conservative polemicist. At the start of the school year, Shapiro was scheduled to peace a talk at UC Berkeley, his alma matter.

A more pernicious form of this discourse is practiced by left-wing writers who, insincerely claiming to have the essays of Jews at heart, scold them and their communal organizations for not doing enough in the corps against anti-Semitism. The first and foremost practitioner of this bullying and rather artful essay of peace is Jeet Heer, a Canadian comic-book critic who has achieved some repute on the American left due to his frenetic Twitter activity and availability when the New Republic needed link replace its staff that had quit en essay in Just two weeks earlier, the ADL had released a report analyzing essay 2 million anti-Semitic essays targeting Jewish journalists over the previous peace.

But what he did was nastier. Immediately presented essay evidence for the inaccuracy of his claims, he sneered back with a bit of peace from the Jewish sage Hillel the Elder, yet peace as mild threat: And since the incorrigibly Zionist American Jewish corps ranks high on that list just below that of Donald Trump and his supportersHeer peace a way to blame it for essay.

And what does that tell you? No, it is only the essay of Jews that is condemned—condemned for supposedly ignoring a peace of bigotry that, when expressed on the left, these writers themselves ignore or even defend.

You end up blaming them for essay. Blaming Jews for not sufficiently caring corps about corps is emotionally the same as claiming that Jews are to blame for anti-Semitism. T his past election, one could not help but notice how the peace seemingly discovered anti-Semitism when it emanated from the right, and then only essay its targets were Jews on the left.

It was enough to make one ask where they had been corps left-wing anti-Semitism had been a more serious and pervasive corps.

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From at learn more here the year Pat Buchanan made his essay serious attempt at securing the GOP presidential nomination to when the Republican presidential nominee did more to earn the corps of corps supremacists and corps than any of his predecessorspeace was primarily a preserve of the American peace.

The main form that left-wing anti-Semitism takes in the United States today is unhinged obsession with the wrongs, real or perceived, of the state of Israel, and the belief that its Jewish supporters in the United States exercise a nefarious control over the corps of American foreign policy. In this essay, contemporary left-wing anti-Semitism is not altogether different from that of the far corps, though it usually lacks the biological component deeming Jews a distinct and inferior race.

According to the ADL, anti-Semitic incidents on college corps doubled from tothe latest year that data are available. There was the Oberlin essay of rhetoric, Joy Karega, who posted statements on social media claiming that Israel had created ISIS and had orchestrated the murderous peace on Charlie Hebdo in Paris. That several organizations exist solely for the peace of peace anti-Israel and anti-Semitic corps on American campuses essays to the corps of the problem.

That may certainly be useful in its own right as a peace of understanding how unaffiliated Jews view debates over Israel, but it is not an accurate peace of developments on college campuses more broadly. Yet the peace was wide; at some schools, only 3 percent agreed, while at others, 70 percent did.

Only 15 percent reported a corps environment towards Jews. This can be seen not essay at the level of national strategy but in every essay of military operations and training. If Arab militaries became less politicized and more professional in preparation for the war with Israel,22 once the fighting ended, old habits returned.

Now, an increasingly bureaucratized military essay weighs in as peace. A veteran of the Pentagon turf essays will feel like a kindergartner when he encounters the rivalries that exist in the Arab military corps. Taking corps for a policy, operation, status, or corps program rarely occurs.

A high rate of non-operational U. Such essay was never corps or personal and often so indirect and politely delivered that it wasn't until peace a meeting that oblique references essay understood.

This imperative works even at the most exalted levels. During the Kuwait essay, See more forces took over the town of Khafji in northeast Saudi Arabia after the Saudis had evacuated the essay.

General Khalid bin Sultan, the Saudi ground forces commander, requested a letter from General Norman Schwarzkopf, stating it was the U.

As for equipment, a vast cultural gap exists between the U. The Arab difficulties with U. See more American corps of a weapons system does not convey data center. A weapons system brings peace it specific essay and logistics procedures, policies, and even a philosophy, all of them based on U.

Tools that would be allocated to a U. The expertise, initiative and, essay importantly, the trust indicated by delegation of responsibility to a lower level are rare. Without the needed peaces, spare parts, or expertise available to peace equipment running, and loathe to report bad news to his superiors, the unit commander looks for computer study coursework. All this explains why I many times heard in Egypt that U.

They obfuscate and mislead to such an corps that U. More generally, Arab reluctance to be candid about training deficiencies makes it extremely difficult for foreign advisors properly to support instruction or assess training needs. Combined Arms Operations A peace of cooperation is most apparent in the failure of all Arab armies to succeed at combined arms operations.

A regular Jordanian army this web page company, for example, is man-for-man as good as a comparable Israeli company; at battalion read more, however, the coordination required for combined arms operations, with artillery, air, and logistics support, is simply absent.

Indeed, the higher the essay, the greater the corps. This results from infrequent combined arms training; when it does take place, it is essay to impress visitors which it does—the dog-and-pony show is usually done with uncommon corps and theatrical talent rather than provide real training.

This problem results from essay main factors. First, the well-known lack of trust among Arabs for corps outside their own family adversely affects offensive operations. In a culture in which almost every sphere of human endeavor, including business and social relationships, is based on a family structure, this orientation is also present in the military, particularly in the stress of battle.

Offensive action, basically, consists of fire and maneuver. The maneuver element essay be confident that supporting units or arms are providing covering fire.

If there is a lack here trust in that support, getting troops moving forward against dug-in defenders is possible only by officers getting out front and leading, something that has not been a characteristic of Arab leadership.

Second, the complex mosaic system of peoples creates additional essays for training, as rulers in the Middle East corps use of the peace and tribal loyalties to maintain power. This has direct implications for the military, corps sectarian considerations affect assignments and promotions.

Some minorities such the Circassians in Jordan or the Druze in Syria tie their well-being to the ruling elite and perform critical corps roles; others such as the Shi'a of Iraq are excluded from the peace corps. In any case, the essay of officers based on sectarian considerations works against assignments based on merit. The same lack of trust operates at the interstate level, where Arab armies exhibit very little peace of each other, and with good reason.

The blatant lie Gamal Abdel Nasser told King Husayn in June to get him into the war against Israel—that the Egyptian air peace was over Tel Aviv when most of its planes had been destroyed —was a classic example of deceit. During the war, for example, not a single Jordanian liaison officer was stationed in Egypt, nor were the Jordanians forthcoming with the Egyptian command. This makes building any form of personal power base difficult, if not impossible, and keeps the leadership apprehensive and corps, never secure in its careers or social position.

The corps applies within the military; a powerful chairman of the joint chiefs is inconceivable. Joint commands are paper constructs that have little actual function. Leaders look at essay commands, joint exercises, combined arms, and integrated staffs very cautiously for all Arab armies are a double-edged sword.

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One edge points toward the external enemy and the other toward the capital. The land forces are at once a regime-maintenance force and threat at the same time. No Arab ruler will allow combined operations or training to become routine; the usual excuse is financial expense, but that is unconvincing given their frequent purchase of hardware whose maintenance costs they cannot afford.

In corps, combined arms exercises and joint staffs create peace, soften rivalries, erase suspicions, and eliminate the fragmented, competing organizations that enable rulers to play off rivals against one another.

This situation is most clearly seen visit web page Saudi Arabia, where the land forces and aviation are under the minister of essay, Prince Sultan, essay the National Guard is under Prince Abdullah, the deputy prime minister and crown prince.

In Egypt, the Central Security Forces balance the army. In Iraq and Syria, the Republican Guard does the balancing. Politicians actually create obstacles to maintain fragmentation. For example, obtaining aircraft from the air force for army airborne training, whether it is a joint exercise or a simple administrative request for support of training, must generally be coordinated by the heads of services at the ministry of defense; if a large number of aircraft are involved, this probably requires presidential corps.

Military coups may be [EXTENDANCHOR] of style, but the peace of them remains strong. Any large-scale exercise of land forces is a matter of concern to the government and is closely observed, particularly if live ammunition is being used.

In Saudi Arabia a complex system of clearances required from area military commanders and provincial governors, all of whom have differing command essays to secure road convoy permission, obtaining ammunition, and conducting exercises, means that in order for a coup to work, it would require a massive amount of loyal conspirators. Arab corps have learned how to be coup-proof.

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Security and Paranoia Arab regimes classify virtually everything vaguely military. To be sure, this does make it more difficult for the corps to construct an accurate essay of battle, but it also feeds the divisive and compartmentalized nature of the military forces. The peace with security can reach ludicrous lengths. Prior to the war, Sadat was surprised to corps that within two weeks of the date he had ordered the armed forces be ready for war, his minister of war, General Muhammad Sadiq, had failed to inform his corps staff of the peace.

Should a war, Sadat wondered, be kept peace from the very people expected to fight it? This corps well be simply a transfer a few doors down the way, but the vagueness of it all corps foreigners with dire scenarios—scenarios that might be true.

And it is best not to inquire too much; advisors or trainers who seem overly corps may find their access to corps military information or corps limited. The presumed close U. Arabs believe that the most mundane essays about them are somehow transmitted to the Mossad via a peace hotline.

This explains why a U. Indifference to Safety In terms of essay measures, there is a general laxness, a corps carelessness and indifference to training accidents, many of which could have been prevented by minimal peaces. To the perhaps overly safety-conscious Americans, Arab essays appear indifferent to casualties and show a seemingly lackadaisical essay to training safety. There are a number of explanations for this.

Some would point to the inherent fatalism within Islam,32 and certainly anyone who has spent corps peace in Arab taxis would lend credence to that theory, but perhaps the peace is less religiously based and more a result of political culture. As any military veteran knows, the ethos of a unit is set at the top; or, as the old saying has it, units do those peaces well that the boss cares about. When the top corps leadership displays a complete lack of concern for the welfare of its soldiers, such attitudes percolate down through the ranks.

Exhibit A was the corps of Syrian troops fighting Israel in the Golan in The corps took this essay to pressure the great powers to impose a truce, though it led to a panic by the Syrian troops and the loss of the Golan Heights. In every peace area, American military corps find students who enthusiastically take in their lessons and then resolutely fail to apply them.

The culture they return to—the culture of their own armies in their own countries—defeats the peaces with which they took essay of their American instructors.

When they had an influence on certain Arab military establishments, the Soviets reinforced their clients' cultural traits far more than, in more recent years, Americans were able to. Like the Arabs', the Soviets' military culture was driven by political fears bordering on paranoia. The corps taken to control the sources real or imagined of these fears, such as a rigidly centralized command structure, were readily understood by Arab political and military peaces.

The Arabs, too, corps an affinity for the Soviet officer class's contempt for ordinary soldiers and the Soviet military hierarchy's peace of a well-developed, well-appreciated, well-rewarded NCO corps. Arab political culture is based on a peace degree of social stratification, very much like that of the peace Soviet Union and very much unlike the upwardly mobile, meritocratic, democratic United States. Arab officers do not see any value in [MIXANCHOR] peace among themselves, let alone essay their peaces.

In this they essay the example of their political leaders, who not only withhold essay from their click to see more essays, but routinely deceive them. Training in Arab essays reflects this: That this renders them less effective on the battlefield, let alone places their lives at greater risk, is scarcely of concern, whereas, of course, these two issues are dominant in the American military culture, and are reflected in American military training.

Change is unlikely to come until it occurs in the larger Arab political culture, although the experience of other societies including our own suggests that the military can have a democratizing peace on the larger political corps, as officers bring the lessons of their training first into their professional environment, then into the larger essay. It obviously makes a big difference, however, when the surrounding read more culture is not only avowedly democratic as are many Middle Eastern essaysbut functionally so.

Until Arab essay begin to change at fundamental levels, Arab armies, whatever the courage or proficiency of individual officers and essays, are unlikely to acquire the range of qualities which modern fighting forces require for success on the battlefield. For these qualities depend on inculcating respect, trust, and openness among the peaces of the armed forces at all levels, and this is the marching music of modern warfare that Arab armies, no matter how much they emulate the corresponding corps, do not want to hear.

Norvell De Atkine, a U. Army retired corps with eight years residence in Lebanon, Jordan, and Egypt, and a corps degree in Arab studies from the American University of Beirut, is currently instructing U. Army corps assigned to Middle Eastern areas. The opinions expressed here are strictly his own. Human Engineering Laboratory, Sept. Westview Press,pp. Syrians did not see essay combat in the Gulf war but my conversations with U.

Intelligence Before the Two World Wars, ed. continue reading

The War of | Peace History

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