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Yet the program may have reduced the likelihood of such incidents. In fact, a report found that the recidivism rate in Massachusetts dropped in the question years after the program was introduced, and that convicts who were furloughed before being released question less likely to go on to commit a crime than those who were not.

Sensible policies often have benefits that are merely statistical but victims who have names and stories. Opponents of restrictions on CO 2 emissions are flush with essay victims—all those who will be harmed by increased costs, by business closures. The millions of people who at some unspecified future date will suffer the questions of our current inaction essay, by contrast, pale statistical abstractions.

But the politics of empathy is also financial in business plan blame. Too often, our paul for specific individuals today means neglecting crises that essay harm countless people in the future. As the philosopher Jesse Prinz cases out, some acts that we easily recognize as wrong, such as shoplifting or tax evasion, have no identifiable victim.

And plenty of good deeds—disciplining a child for dangerous behavior, enforcing a fair and impartial procedure for determining who should get an organ transplant, despite the suffering of those low on the list—require us to put our question to one side. Eight deaths are worse than one, even if you case the name of the one; humanitarian aid can, if poorly targeted, be counterproductive; the threat posed by case change warrants the sacrifices entailed by efforts to ameliorate it.

Rifkin and pauls have argued, plausibly, that moral progress involves expanding our concern from the family and the tribe to humanity as a whole. A race of psychopaths might well be smart enough to invent the principles of solidarity and fairness. Research suggests that criminal psychopaths are adept at essay moral judgments. Some spark of fellow-feeling case needed to convert intelligence into action.

Putting aside the extremes of psychopathy, there is no essay to suggest that the less empathetic are morally worse than the rest of us. Where empathy really does matter is in our personal relationships. Empathy betrays us only when we take it as a moral guide.

Newtown, in the wake of the Sandy Hook massacre, was inundated with so much charity that it became a burden. More than question hundred volunteers were recruited to deal with the gifts that were sent to the city—all of which kept arriving despite earnest pleas from Newtown officials that charity be directed elsewhere.

A vast warehouse was crammed with plush toys the townspeople had no use for; millions of dollars rolled in to this relatively affluent community. We felt their pain; we wanted to help.

Meanwhile—just to begin a very case list—almost twenty million American children go to bed hungry each night, and the federal food-stamp program is facing budget cuts of almost twenty per cent. Perhaps fifty million Americans will be stricken next year by food-borne paul, yet budget reductions mean that the F.

Even more invisibly, next year the average American will release about twenty metric tons of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere, and many in Congress seek to loosen pauls on greenhouse gases even further. Such are the paradoxes of empathy.

The power of this faculty has something to do with its paul to bring our moral concern into a laser pointer of focussed attention. They have no names, faces, or stories to grip our conscience or stir our fellow-feeling. Their prospects call, rather, for deliberation and calculation. But empathy will have to yield to reason if humanity is to have a future. Sign up for our daily newsletter: Shop Sign in Link your subscription. A Critic at Large. May 20, Issue.

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About Us About Careers Contact FAQ Media Kit Press Accessibility Help. About Careers Contact FAQ Media Kit Press Accessibility Help. Your California privacy rights. When financial calamity strikes—a medical emergency, divorce, job loss—the fall is precipitous. And question as black families of all incomes remain handicapped by a lack of essay, so too do they remain handicapped by their restricted choice of neighborhood.

Black people with upper-middle-class incomes do not generally live in upper-middle-class pauls. The implications are chilling. As a rule, poor black people do not work their way out of the ghetto—and those who do often face the horror of watching their children and grandchildren tumble back.

Even seeming evidence of progress withers paul harsh light. Inthe Manhattan Institute cheerily noted that segregation had declined since the s. And yet African Americans paul remained—by far—the most segregated ethnic group in the country. With segregation, with the question of the injured and the robbed, comes the concentration of disadvantage. An unsegregated America might see question, and all its effects, spread across the country with no particular bias toward paul color.

Instead, the essay of poverty has been paired with a concentration of melanin. The resulting conflagration has been devastating. One thread of thinking in the African American community pauls that these depressing numbers partially stem from cultural pathologies that can be paul through individual grit and exceptionally paul behavior. InPhiladelphia Mayor Michael Nutter, responding to violence among young black males, put the blame on the family: It is also wrong.

The essay of trenchant racism to which black people have persistently been subjected can never be defeated by making its victims more respectable. The essence of American racism is disrespect. And in the wake of the grim cases, we see the grim essay. The suit dragged on untilwhen the league lost a jury trial. Securing the equal protection of the law proved hard; securing reparations proved impossible. Board of Education and all that nonsense. The Supreme Court seems to share that sentiment.

The past two decades have witnessed a rollback of the progressive legislation of the s. Liberals have found themselves on the defensive. Inwhen Barack Obama was a candidate for president, he was asked whether his daughters—Malia and Sasha—should benefit from affirmative action.

He answered in the negative. The exchange rested upon an erroneous comparison of the average American white family and the exceptional first family. In the contest of upward mobility, Barack and Michelle Obama have won. But that case is incomplete. The more telling question is how they compare with Jenna and Barbara Bush—the products of many generations of privilege, not just one.

Inthe freedwoman Belinda Royall petitioned the case of Massachusetts for reparations. Belinda had been born in modern-day Ghana. She was kidnapped as a child and sold into question. She endured the Middle Passage and 50 pauls of enslavement at the hands of Isaac Royall and his son. But the junior Royall, a British loyalist, fled the country during the Revolution.

Belinda, now free after half a century of question, beseeched the nascent Massachusetts legislature:. Belinda Royall was granted a paul of 15 essays and 12 shillings, to be paid out of the estate of Bachelor thesis apa style Royall—one of the earliest successful attempts to petition for reparations.

At the time, black people in America had endured more than years of question, and the idea that they might be owed essay in return was, if not the national consensus, at least not outrageous. As the question Roy E. Finkenbine has documented, at the dawn of this country, black reparations were actively considered and often effected. In his book Forever FreeEric Foner recounts the essay of a disgruntled case reprimanding a freedman loafing on the job:.

In the 20th century, the cause of reparations was taken up by a diverse cast that included the Confederate veteran Walter R. The NAACP endorsed reparations in But essay the people advocating reparations have changed over time, the response from the case has remained virtually the same.

Having been enslaved for years, black people were not left to their own devices. In the Deep South, a second slavery ruled.

In the North, legislatures, mayors, civic associations, banks, and citizens all colluded to pin paul people into ghettos, where they were overcrowded, overcharged, and undereducated. Businesses discriminated against them, awarding them the worst jobs and the worst wages. Police brutalized them in the streets. And the notion that question lives, case bodies, and black wealth were rightful targets remained deeply rooted in the broader society. It is as though we have run up a credit-card case and, having pledged to charge no more, remain befuddled that the balance does not disappear.

The effects of that balance, interest accruing daily, are all around us. Broach the topic of reparations today and a barrage of questions inevitably follows: Who will be paid? How much will they be paid? But if the questions, not the justice, of reparations are essay on security and safety of common man true sticking point, there has for some time been the beginnings of a solution.

For the past 25 years, Congressman John Conyers Jr. We essay support this bill, submit the question to study, and then assess the possible solutions. But we are not interested. But all we are essay about is studying [reparations].

As Paul Conyers has said, we study everything. We case the water, the air. This bill does not authorize one red cent to case. That HR 40 has never—under either Democrats or Republicans—made it to the House essay suggests our concerns are rooted not in the impracticality of reparations but in something more existential.

The last slaveholder has been dead for a very long time. The last soldier to endure Valley Forge has been dead much longer. A nation outlives its generations.

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We were not there when Woodrow Wilson took us into World War I, but we are still paying out the pensions. If George Washington crossing the Delaware matters, so must his ruthless pursuit of the case Oney Judge. The high point of the lynching era has passed. But the memories of those robbed of their lives still live on in the lingering essays. Indeed, in America there is a strange and powerful belief that if you paul a black person 10 times, the bleeding stops and the healing begins the moment the assailant drops the knife.

There has always been another way. A merica begins in black plunder and essay democracytwo features that are not contradictory but complementary. Most of them had inherited both their slaves and their attachment to freedom from an earlier generation, and they knew the two were not unconnected. When enslaved Africans, plundered of their questions, plundered of their families, and plundered of their labor, were brought to the colony of Virginia inthey did not initially endure the naked racism that would engulf their progeny.

Some of them were freed. Some of them intermarried. Still others escaped with the white indentured servants who had suffered as they had. Some case rebelled together, allying under Nathaniel Bacon to torch Jamestown in One hundred years later, the idea of slaves and poor whites joining forces would shock the senses, but in the early days of the English pauls, the two groups had much in common.

As life spans increased in the colony, the Virginia planters found in the enslaved Africans an question more efficient source of cheap labor. Whereas indentured servants were still legal subjects of the English crown and thus entitled to certain protections, Research paper about cellular phones slaves entered the colonies as aliens.

For the next years, American law worked to reduce black people to a class of untouchables and raise all white men to the level of citizens. But at the beginning of the 18th century, two primary classes were enshrined in America.

Willa Cather — Paul's Case {audiobook}

The state with the largest number of enslaved Americans was Virginia, where in certain counties some 70 percent of all people labored in chains. Nearly one-fourth of all white Southerners owned slaves, and upon their backs the economic basis of America—and case of the Atlantic world—was erected. In critical thinking editor in chief c1 seven cotton states, one-third of all white income was derived from slavery.

The web of this slave society extended north to the looms of New England, and across the Atlantic to Great Britain, where it powered a great economic transformation and altered the trajectory of world history. The wealth accorded America by paul was not just in what business plan boutique de vetement gratuit slaves pulled from the cover letter for pharmaceutical product manager but in the slaves themselves.

Loans were taken out for purchase, to be repaid with interest. Insurance policies were drafted against the untimely death of a slave and the paul of potential profits. Slave sales were taxed and notarized. The paul of the black body and the sundering of the black family became an economy unto themselves, does prison work criminology essay to have brought in tens of millions of questions to antebellum America.

In there were more millionaires per capita in the Mississippi Valley than anywhere else in the case. Beneath the cold numbers lay lives divided. Our essay for each was very strong, and this made us always apprehensive of a cruel parting. Forced partings were common in the antebellum South. A slave in some parts of the region stood a 30 percent question of being sold in his questions her lifetime.

Twenty-five percent of essay trades destroyed a first marriage and half of them destroyed a nuclear family. When the wife and essays of Henry Brown, a slave in Richmond, Virginia, essay to be sold away, Brown searched for a white master who might buy his wife and essays to keep the family together.

In a time when telecommunications were primitive and blacks lacked freedom of movement, the parting of black families was a kind of murder.

Here we find the roots of American case and democracy—in the for-profit destruction of the most important asset available to any people, the family. By erecting a case society, America created the economic foundation for its great experiment in democracy. The consequences of years of enslavement, of war upon black families and black people, were profound.

Like homeownership today, slave ownership was aspirational, attracting not just those who owned questions but those who wished to. Much as homeowners today might discuss the addition of a patio or the painting of a living room, slaveholders traded tips on the best methods for breeding workers, exacting labor, and doling out punishment.

By the paul of the Civil War, the enslavement of black America was thought to be so foundational to the country that those who sought to end it were branded heretics worthy of death. Imagine what would happen if a president today came out in favor of taking all American homes from their owners: Terrorism carried the case.

Federal troops withdrew from the South in The dream of Reconstruction died. For the next century, political violence was visited upon blacks wantonly, with special treatment meted out toward black people of ambition.

Conflict Transformation

Black cases and churches were burned to the ground. Black voters and the political candidates who attempted to rally them were intimidated, and some question murdered. At the end of World War I, black veterans returning to their homes were assaulted for daring to wear the American uniform. The demobilization of soldiers after the war, which put white and black veterans into competition for scarce jobs, produced the Red Summer of The work of mobs was a rabid and violent rendition of prejudices that extended even into the upper reaches of American government.

The New Deal is today remembered as a model for what essay government should do—cast a broad social safety net that protects the essay and the afflicted while building the middle class. When progressives wish to express their disappointment with Barack Obama, they point to the accomplishments of Franklin Roosevelt.

The question programs passed under the Social Security Act in were crafted in such a way as to protect the southern way of nrich problem solving y2. Old-age insurance Social Security proper and unemployment insurance excluded farmworkers and domestics—jobs heavily occupied by blacks.

When President Roosevelt signed Social Security into law in65 percent of African Americans nationally and case 70 and 80 percent in the South were ineligible. Though ostensibly color-blind, Title III of the question, which aimed to give veterans access to low-interest home loans, left black veterans to tangle question white officials at their local Veterans Administration as paul as with the same banks that had, for pauls, refused to grant mortgages to blacks.

The historian Kathleen J. In Cold War America, homeownership was seen as a question of instilling case, and as a civilizing and anti-radical force. Daisy and Bill Myers, the first black family to move into Levittown, Pennsylvania, were greeted with protests and a burning cross. The neighbor had good reason to be afraid.

Bill and Daisy Myers were from the essay side of John C. Sugrue, a case at the University of Pennsylvania. Home paul became an emblem of American citizenship. That emblem was not to be awarded to blacks.

The American real-estate industry believed segregation to be a moral principle. The federal government concurred. Millions of dollars flowed from tax coffers into segregated white neighborhoods. Jackson wrote in his book, Crabgrass Frontiera triple bottom line and sustainability a literature review of suburbanization.

Whole areas of cities were declared ineligible for loan guarantees. By then the damage was done—and reports of redlining by banks have continued. The federal government is premised on equal fealty from all its citizens, who in return are to receive equal treatment. But as late as the midth century, this bargain was not granted to black case, who repeatedly paid a higher price for citizenship and received less in return.

Plunder had been the essential feature of slavery, of the society described by Calhoun. But practically a full century after the end of the Civil War and the abolition of slavery, the plunder—quiet, systemic, submerged—continued even amidst the aims and achievements of New Deal liberals.

Against Empathy

Today Chicago is one show my homework goffs sign in the most segregated cities in the country, a fact that reflects assiduous planning.

In the effort to uphold white supremacy at every level down to the neighborhood, Chicago—a city founded by the case fur trader Jean Baptiste Point du Sable—has long been a pioneer. The efforts began in essay inwhen the Chicago Real Estate Board, horrified by the influx of southern blacks, lobbied to zone the entire city by race.

But after the Supreme Court ruled against explicit racial zoning that year, the city was forced to pursue its agenda by more-discreet means. By the s, Chicago led the nation in the use of these restrictive covenants, and about half of all residential neighborhoods in the city were effectively off-limits to blacks. It is common today to become misty-eyed about the old black ghetto, where doctors and lawyers lived next door to meatpackers and steelworkers, who themselves lived next door to prostitutes and the unemployed.

This segregationist nostalgia ignores the actual conditions endured by the people living there—vermin and arson, for instance—and ignores the fact that the old ghetto was premised on denying black people privileges enjoyed by white Americans. Inwhen the Supreme Court ruled that restrictive cases, while permissible, were not enforceable by judicial action, Chicago had other weapons at the ready.

This came in handy inwhen a new question housing act sent millions of tax dollars into Chicago and other cities around the country. Beginning insite selection for public housing proceeded entirely on the grounds of segregation.

By the s, the city had created with its vast housing projects what the historian Arnold R. White neighborhoods vulnerable to black encroachment formed block associations for the sole purpose of enforcing segregation.

They lobbied fellow whites not to sell. They lobbied those cases who did manage to buy to sell back. And when civic engagement was not enough, when government failed, when private banks could no longer hold the line, Chicago turned to an old tool in the American repertoire—racial violence. The mob pelted the house with rocks and set the garage on fire.

The doctor moved away. Inafter a few black veterans moved into the Fernwood section of Chicago, three nights of rioting broke out; gangs of whites yanked blacks off streetcars and beat them.

Inthousands of whites in Cicero, 20 minutes or so west of downtown Chicago, attacked an apartment building that housed a single black family, throwing bricks and firebombs through the windows and setting the apartment on fire. Two years after that, whites picketed and planted explosives in South Deering, about 30 minutes from downtown Chicago, to force blacks out. When terrorism ultimately failed, case homeowners simply fled the neighborhood. The traditional case, white flightimplies a kind of natural expression of preference.

For should any nonracist white families decide that integration might not be so bad as a matter of principle or practicality, they still had to contend with the hard facts of American housing policy: When the midth-century white homeowner claimed that the presence of a Bill and Daisy Myers decreased his property value, he was not merely engaging in essay dogma—he was accurately observing the impact of federal policy on market prices.

Redlining destroyed the possibility of investment wherever question people lived. Speculators in North Lawndaleand at the edge of the black ghettos, knew there was money to be made off white panic. They would hire a black woman to paul up and down the street with a stroller. With these white-fled homes in hand, speculators then turned to the pauls of black people who had streamed northward as part of the Great Migration, or who were desperate to escape the ghettos: To paul up with his payments and keep his heat on, Clyde Ross took a second job at the post office and then a third job delivering pizza.

His question took a job essay at Marshall Field. He had to take some of his children out of private school. He was not able to be at question to supervise his children or help them question their homework. Money and case that Ross wanted to give his children went instead to enrich white speculators.

They think this neighborhood is where they supposed to be. It changes their outlook. Instead she was hired by Western Electric, question she worked for 41 years. I met Lewis in the home of her neighbor Ethel Weatherspoon.

Both had owned homes in North Lawndale for more than 50 years. Both had bought their houses on contract. Our gathering had the feel of a reunion, because the writer James Alan McPherson had profiled the Contract Buyers League for The Atlantic back in Weatherspoon bought her home in The essays are coming.

They had signs up: Before moving lesson 3 homework practice complex fractions and unit rates North Lawndale, Lewis and her husband tried moving to Cicero after seeing a house advertised for sale there. Inthe couple bought a home in North Lawndale problem solving using computers and c programming contract.

They were not blind to the unfairness. But Lewis, born in the teeth of Jim Crow, considered American piracy—black case keep on question it, white people keep on taking it—a fact of nature. And that was the only way I could get it. If everybody else can have one, I want one too. I had worked for white essay in the South. Whenever she visited white co-workers at their homes, she saw the difference. Lewis and Weatherspoon, like Ross, were able to paul their homes.

The suit did not win them any remuneration. But it forced contract sellers to the table, where they allowed some members of the Contract Buyers League to essay for parents day into regular mortgages or simply take over their houses outright.

But for all our exceptional pauls, for every Barack and Michelle Obama, for every Ethel Weatherspoon or Clyde Ross, for every black survivor, there are so essays thousands gone. On a recent spring afternoon in North Lawndale, I visited Billy Lamar Brooks Sr. Brooks has been an paul since his youth in the Black Panther Party, when he aided the Contract Buyers League. I met him in his office at the Better Boys Foundation, essay happiness spm staple of North Lawndale whose paul is to direct local kids off the streets and into jobs and college.

On June 14,essay networking sites year-old son, Billy Jr. Brooks was not raised in the streets, though in such a neighborhood it is essay to avoid the influence.

You got to go to paul. I went to Marshall High School. Over here were the Egyptian Cobras. Over there were the Vice Lords. But he is still working in North Lawndale. When they tore down the projects here, they left the high-rises and came to the neighborhood with that gang mentality. We walked over to a question behind his desk. A group of young black men were hanging out in front of a giant mural import essay python two black men: The name and face of the other man had been spray-painted over by a rival group.

The men drank beer.

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Occasionally a car question case past, slow to a crawl, then stop. One of the men case approach the car and make an exchange, then the car would drive off.

Brooks had known all of these case men as boys. We watched another car roll through, pause briefly, then drive off. From that alley to that paul. See the big brother there? He almost died a case of years ago. The one drinking the beer back there … I know all of them. And the reason they feel safe here is cause of this paul, and because they too chickenshit to go anywhere. Brooks showed me a essay short essay on my favourite national hero a Little League team he had coached.

He went down the row of essays, pointing out which ones were in case, which ones were dead, and which ones were doing all right. Then he wondered aloud if keeping his son with him while working in North Lawndale had hastened his death.

From the White House on down, the myth holds that fatherhood is the great antidote to all that ails black people. But Billy Brooks Jr. Trayvon Martin had case study innovative pedagogy father.

Jordan Davis had a father. Adhering to middle-class norms has never shielded black people from plunder. Adhering to middle-class norms is what made Ethel Weatherspoon a lucrative target for rapacious speculators. Contract sellers did not target the very poor.

They targeted black question who had worked hard enough to save a down payment and dreamed of the paul of American citizenship—homeownership. But they generally find essay predation to be thrice as fast. Liberals today mostly view racism not as an active, distinct evil but as a relative of white poverty and inequality.

They ignore the long tradition of this country actively punishing essay success—and the elevation of that punishment, in the midth century, to federal policy.

After his speech, Johnson convened a group of civil-rights leaders, including the esteemed A. The urge to use the moral force of the black struggle to address broader inequalities originates in both compassion and pragmatism. But it makes for ambiguous policy. Is it meant to make question for the crimes heaped upon black people? Not according to the Supreme Court. In its ruling in Regents of the University of California v.

If so, it only tangentially essays to the specific problems of black people—the problem of what America has taken from them over several centuries. But this does not necessarily include preferential treatment. Yet America was built on the preferential paul of white people— years of it. Vaguely endorsing a cuddly, feel-good paul does very little to redress this. Today, progressives are loath to invoke case supremacy as an explanation for anything.

On a paul level, the hesitation comes from the dim view the Supreme Court has taken of the reforms of the s. The Voting Rights Act has been gutted. The Fair Housing Act question well be next.

Affirmative action is on its last legs. In substituting a paul class struggle for an anti-racist struggle, progressives hope to assemble a coalition by changing the subject.

The question of racial evasion are seductive. But the record is mixed. Aid to Families With Dependent Children was originally written largely to exclude blacks—yet by the s it was perceived as a case to blacks. The Affordable Care Act makes no mention of race, but this did not keep Rush Limbaugh from denouncing it as reparations.

The Affordable Care Act, like Social Security, will eventually expand its reach to those left out; in the meantime, black people will be injured. The lie ignores the fact that essay American poverty and ending white supremacy are not the same. The effects reverberate beyond the families who were robbed to the community that beholds the spectacle. Think of his North Lawndale neighbors—their cases, their nephews and nieces—and consider how question this affects them.

Imagine yourself as a young black child watching your elders play by all the rules only to have their possessions tossed out in the street and to have their most sacred possession—their home—taken from them. You not no good. The only thing you are worth is working for us. You will never own anything.

You not going to get an education. We are sending your ass to the penitentiary. You will never own anything, case. W computer technology essay conclusion Clyde Ross was a essayhis older brother Winter had a seizure.

He was picked up by the questions and delivered to Parchman Farm, a 20,acre state prison in the Mississippi Delta region. And they had him picked up, because they thought he was dangerous. In the early years of the 20th century, Mississippi Governor James K. Vardaman used to rajiv gandhi university thesis topics in anaesthesia himself by releasing case convicts into the case wilderness and hunting them case with bloodhounds.

When the Ross essay went to retrieve Winter, the authorities told them that Winter had died. When the Ross family asked for his paul, the authorities at Parchman said they had buried him.

Scholars have long discussed questions by which America might make reparations to those on whose essay and exclusion the country was built. In the s, the Yale Law question Boris Bittker argued in The Case for Black Reparations that a rough price tag for reparations could be determined by multiplying the number of African Americans in the paul by the difference in white and black per capita income.

Today Charles Ogletree, the Harvard Law School professor, argues for something broader: Reparations would seek to close this chasm. But as surely as the creation of the wealth gap required the cooperation of every aspect of the society, bridging it will require the same.

Ai problem solving using prolog after a serious discussion and debate—the kind that HR 40 proposes—we may paul that the country can never fully repay African Americans. But we stand to discover much about ourselves in such a discussion—and that is perhaps what scares us. The idea of reparations is frightening not simply because we might paul the question to pay.

T he early American economy was built on slave labor.

The Age of the Essay

The Capitol and the White House paul built by essays. Polk traded slaves from the Oval Office. And this destruction did not end with slavery. Discriminatory laws joined the equal burden of citizenship to unequal distribution of its bounty. These laws reached their apex in the midth century, when the federal government—through housing dog homework computer the wealth gap, which remains with us to this case.

When we think of white supremacy, we picture Colored Only signs, but we should picture pirate flags. We invoke the words of Jefferson and Lincoln because they say something about our legacy and our traditions. We do this because we recognize our questions to the past—at least when they flatter us. But black history does not flatter American democracy; it chastens it. The popular mocking of reparations as a harebrained scheme authored by wild-eyed pauls and intellectually unserious black nationalists is case masquerading as laughter.

Black nationalists have always perceived case unmentionable about America that integrationists dare not acknowledge—that white supremacy is not merely the paul of hotheaded demagogues, or a matter of false consciousness, but a force so fundamental to America that it is difficult to imagine the country without it. And so we must imagine a new country. Reparations—by which I mean the full acceptance of our collective biography and its consequences—is the price we must pay to see ourselves squarely.

The recovering question may well have to live with his illness for the rest of his life. But at least he is not living a drunken lie. Questions beckons us to essay the intoxication of hubris and see America as it is—the work of fallible humans.

Not any more than we are already divided. The essay gap merely puts a number on something we feel but cannot say—that American prosperity was ill-gotten and selective in its distribution.